In 1895 Taiwan became a Japanese colony, and over the next half century the island underwent a complex process of modernization that was accompanied by Japanese colonial education, which had an impact on the language, culture, and identities of the Han and non-Han residents of the island. The Taiwanese people did not, however, accept Japanese colonization willingly, and sought to resist the imposition of foreign rule through at first armed uprising, and later through cultural, literary, and political activism. By the 1920s, Taiwanese intellectuals, writers, and political activists organized themselves through a variety of organizations, the most famous of which was the Taiwan Culture Association (台灣文化協會), which became a forum to publicize ideas regarding democracy, self-determination, and enlightenment.

　　1895年，當台灣成為日本殖民地，在接下來的半世紀裡，島嶼經過駁雜的現代化轉型過程。日本殖民教育對包含漢族與原住民族群在內的島民之語言、文化與認同有相當影響。 然而，台灣人並未被動接受日本的殖民主義；反而先透過武力方式反對外族統治，爾後復透過文化、教育、文學與政治組織進行抗爭。特別是1920年代的台灣知識分子、作家與政治運動者，藉由各種民間團體來組織群眾，最負盛名者是推廣民主、自治與啟蒙思想的「台灣文化協會」。

Two leading members of the Culture Association were Lin Xiantang, a member of the famed large land-owning Lin can from Wufeng, and Chiang Wei-shui, a doctor and political organizer. Within the educational, political, and literary work of these two men, we can see the important influence of Sun’s revolutionary thought, with its pan-Chinese notions of democracy, nationalism, and livelihood, exemplifying the way that his writings could cross the strait and influence the thinking of local Taiwanese.

　　「台灣文化協會」的領導為林獻堂（霧峰林家成員）與蔣渭水 （著名的醫生與政治運動家)。這兩位知識份子在教育、文化與政治上的作為，均可看到孫文革命思想的影子——在大中華民族主義脈絡下思考台灣的過去、現在與未來。

One of the most important works that Chiang Wei-shui was his 1921 “Clinical Reflections-Written for the Patient Taiwan” (《臨床講義-為名叫台灣的病人而寫》), which provided a metaphoric “diagnosis” regarding what ailed the Taiwanese social body. Jiang claimed that the patient had “moved its place of residence” twenty-seven years ago, a clear reference to the 1894-95 Sino-Japanese war that turned Taiwan into a Japanese colony. Importantly, he claimed that the patient’s “place of origin” could be understood as the Taiwanese straits of Fujian Province, China, and that its current place of residence was “the Taiwanese Colonial Government of the Japanese Empire.” The “heritage” of this patient could be understood as being “clearly imbued with the blood of the Yellow Emperor, the Duke of Zhou, Confucius, Mencius, etc.” Indeed, the Taiwanese had a “firm and strong character” and a “bright and intelligent natural disposition,” all of which could be ascribed to their cultural inheritance from their “sagely ancestors.” Clearly, Chiang Weishui saw Taiwan within the cultural, social, and philosophical currents of Chinese history, once again using the language of Daotong interconnection in this famed work.

　　對蔣渭水而言，這個患者「從現住所轉移到今二十七歲」，暗示了1895的甲午戰爭後台灣成為日本的殖民地， 患者的原籍為「中華民國福建省台灣道」，但是「現住所」為 「大日本帝國臺灣總督府」。 關於患者的 「遺傳」，其「明顯地具有黃帝、周公、孔子、孟子等血統」。因為「上述聖賢後裔」台灣人「素質強健，天資聰穎」。[1] 對蔣來說，台灣人需要在這個基礎之上反對帝國政府，建設現代的島嶼社會。 顯而易見，在這篇著名的文章裡，其將台灣置於中國文化、歷史與思想的大脈絡之下，展現道統論的思維方式。

When Jiang was arrested in 1924 during the Zhijing Incident (治警事件), accused of fomenting Chinese nationalism on the island, he turned his appearance in court into an opportunity for popular outreach. He not only refused to back down from the charges facing him but instead boldly embracing them. As Jiang put it:

　　蔣渭水於1924年的治警事件中遭到日本當局逮捕，指控其煽動中華民族主義。蔣氏上法庭時，趁機推廣自身理念，與社會大眾溝通。面對統治者的起訴時並不畏縮，而是欣然接受「中華民族主義」的罪名指控，其答辯道：

What is the Chinese nation? Is this not an odd question? If one is a Japanese citizen, how can one not talk of the Japanese nation? There is the distinction between nationhood and citizenship that you officials make yourselves, which I don’t understand. Nationality is a factual question that belongs to the realm of anthropology, you cannot blot it out simply through a few movements of your mouths and tongues. Regardless of what changes you care to make to the exterior of Taiwanese people, forcing them to be Japanese citizens, and in doing so attempt to make them into a part of the Japanese nation, Taiwanese people are clearly apart of the Chinese nation, namely the Han people. This is a reality that no one can negate. Citizenship is a question of for the political and legal spheres. Nationality is distinguished on the basis of culture, history, and blood, while race is distinguished on the basis of bodily appearance, facial features, and skin color. A nation has within it a common blood lineage, a unified historical spirit, and a shared culture, religion, language, customs, and sentiments (quoted in Yang, forthcoming, 19).

　　「中華民族是什麼？豈不是可怪的話嗎？既做日本國民，怎樣不說日本民族呢？這是官長對民族和國民的區別，沒有理解哩，民族是人類學上的事實問題，必不能僅用口舌便能抹消的。臺灣人不論怎樣豹變自在，做了日本國民，便隨即變成日本民族，臺灣人明白地是中華民族即漢民族的事，不論什麼人都不能否認的事實。國民是對政治上、法理上看來的，民族是對血統的、歷史的、文化的區別的，人種是對體格、顏貌、皮膚區別的。民族中含有相同的血統關係，歷史的精神的一致、文化的共通、宗教的共通、言語習慣的共通、共同的感情等諸要素」[2]

In Chiang’s 1927 work Views on Questions of Taiwanese Reform, he would go on to whole-heartedly endorse Sun Yat-sen’s Three Principles of the People as a program for the modernization of Taiwan, understood within a larger Sino-context. Chiang quoted Sun Ke’s work “The Republic Revolution is the Only Road Forward” in the following manner:

　　在寫於1927年的〈臺灣社會問題改造觀〉 中，蔣氏積極倡議孫文的三民主義論作為台灣唯一合理的現代化道路，並引孫科〈國民革命唯一之路〉的論點 ：「中國革命已到了一個歧路，一是伊太利之法西斯蒂主義（有產專政），這是張作霖所走的死路。二是蘇俄的共產主義，無產專政也是一條絕路。三是孫總理的三民主義的大道。你們要認識國民黨領導的路，才是你們唯一的生路。你們不要左顧不要右顧，只要照著這條中央大路向前猛進罷.」[3]

Chiang added his own words to those quoted above: “I believe that the words of Sun Ke and Wang Jingwei can be a guide for the struggle of national liberation of oppressed peoples. As such, I quote them as my conclusion.”  Clearly, Chiang was heavily influenced by Sun Yat-sen and the revolution he led.

　　蔣氏在以上的引述之後加了自己的話：「汪精衛、孫科的話我以為可做弱少民族解放運動的指南針，所以引用為我的結論」[4]蔣渭水受到孫文本人及其所領導的革命之影響，不言而喻。

Lin Xiantang was another important intellectual leader who through his educational and cultural work sought on the one hand to promote traditional Han culture while on the other popularizing enlightenment thought. As the leading member of the famed Lin family of Wufeng, Lin embodied the role of a neo-traditional literati for the island. He was modern, in the sense that Lin supported movements for Taiwanese self-determination such as the thirteen year campaign to petition for the establishment of a parliament on the island (臺灣議會設置請願運動, 1921-1934), which Ye Rongzhong 葉榮鐘 (one of its participants) would later claim was motivated in part by the successful Xinhai Revolution. Yet Lin was traditional in his unwavering support for such public expressions of Han culture as poetry societies- he became one of the leading members of the famed Oak Poetry Society (櫟社). In his role as a member of the cultural organization the New Society (一新會) in Wufeng (founded in 1932), he supported the establishment of local schools and lecture societies to teach Chinese characters and the Four Confucian Book (四書). Yet such thorough training in the epistemological foundations of Chinese life did not bar one from supporting modern movements for political and gendered emancipation. To wit, many of the lectures sponsored by the New Society were about the question of women’s emancipation, which Lin supported.

　　林獻堂也是日治時期重要的知識份子和意見領袖之一，透過教育和文化的工作，企圖在發揚漢人傳統文化的同時，推動啟蒙思想。作為霧峰林家的領袖，林氏展現一種新式儒紳的身分，積極推動台灣本島的自治運動，包括為期十三年的臺灣議會設置請願運動（1921-1934)，曾參與其中的葉榮鐘先生後來也指出整個運動受到了辛亥革命的影響。不過林氏也有傳統的一面，全力支持島嶼的傳統漢文化，其為著名在地詩社「櫟社」的主要成員，也是霧峰公民團體「一新會」（1932年建立）的成員，贊助在地義塾與講會，對島民教授漢文化的「四書」。 然具有深厚的中華文化底蘊，並不意味著無法支持現代政治與性別解放運動，例如「一新會」的演講，一部分即與其高度支持的婦女解放運動有關。 [5]

Lien Heng (連橫, 1878-1936) was also an important neo-traditional literati on the island during the colonial period. Through his investigations into the linguistic, cultural, and political dimensions of Taiwanese history, as well as his support for traditional poetry societies, Lien insisted on the mutually productive links which existed between Taiwan and the larger currents of Chinese civilization. When he heard news of the successful completion of the Xinhai Revolution, he wrote the work “Informing the King of Yanping,” in which he joyously told Koxinga, that “sagely King who opened Taiwan up” (開臺聖王), of the new beginning for the Chinese world that the Xinhai revolution represented. The work was dated as being written “The Year of the Restoration of China, in the Spring of the year of Renzi, the twelfth day of the second month,” and celebrated the birth of the Republic in the following way:

　　另外，連橫也是日治時期重要的新式儒紳。透過對台灣歷史在語言、文化與政治上的研究，以及對傳統詩社的支持，連氏意欲強調台灣與中華文明的互惠關係。聽聞辛亥革命成功的消息，便撰寫〈告延平郡王文〉，向「開臺聖王」鄭成功稟告中華世界新開端的喜訊，文章特別標記寫成於「中華光復之年壬子春二月十二日」，這樣慶祝民國的誕生：

　　「台灣遺民連橫誠慌誠恐，頓首載拜，敢昭告於延平郡王之神曰：於戲！滿人猾夏，萬域淪亡，落日荒濤，哭望天末，而王獨保正朔於東都，與滿人拮抗，傳二十有二年而始滅。滅之後二百二十有八年，而我中華民族乃逐滿人建民國。此雖革命諸士斷脰流血，前趴後繼，克以告成；而我王在天之靈，潛輔默相，故能振天聲於大漢也！夫春秋之義，九世猶仇；楚國之殘，三戶可復。今者，擄酋去位，南北共和，天命維新，發皇蹈厲，維王有靈，其左右之！」[6]

The Taiwanese loyalist Lian Heng, with a heart full of terrified sincerity, respectfully prostrates himself in front of thee, and dares to report to the King of Anping: Rejoice!  The Manchus shrewdly took over the Chinese world, and Yu’s land descended to near death, a land of rolling desolation without light, defined by endless days of searching tears. It was only in the Eastern Capital [today’s Tainan] in which your majesty alone protected the time of the genuine reign, unwaveringly resisting the Manchu’s. However, your kingdom only lasted for twenty two years and then perished. Two hundred and twenty years later, my Chinese people have banished the Manchus and established the Republic. The revolutionaries spilt their own blood and battered their bodies, with some falling with others emerging to take their place, until finally they succeeded. I know my king’s cosmic spirit was quietly providing them support, ensuring that the realm would be shook by the voice of the great Han! The righteous ways of the Spring and Autumn period, the deep seated enmity of nine eras; the destruction of the land of Chu means the restoration of [the mandate of] the three dynasties [Xia, Shang, Zhou]. Today, the northern chieftains have ceded the throne, north and south are joined in a shared peace, the mandate has been renovated, the emperor strides mightily forward, it is indeed only the king who has a mighty spirit, controlling all! 

This section of the exhibit encourages viewers to consider the ways in which the notions of Chinese cultural rejuvenation which motivated Sun Yat-sen and other members of the Republican revolution influenced cultural, intellectual, and political activities in Taiwan during the colonial period. How are we to think of the relations between the Sino-world as a whole and Taiwan?

　　此一展區試圖展現孫文與其追隨者所追求的中華民族復興的理念為何，又如何影響日治時期台灣文化、知識與政治上的活動，希冀觀眾一起思考中華世界與台灣歷史錯綜複雜的關係網絡。

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[1]  引文為傅力力譯，收入王曉波編，《蔣渭水全集》，上冊，頁3。

[2] 引文為〈「治警事件〉法庭辯論〉，收入王曉波編，《蔣渭水全集》，上冊，頁 27-28.

[3] 參見蔣渭水，〈臺灣問題改造觀〉，收入王曉波編，《蔣渭水全集》，上冊，頁164。

[4] 同上。

[5] 如果參觀朋友想要了解更多，可以參考楊儒賓著〈在水一方：日治台灣反抗運動的中華文化元素〉，收入《思考中華民國》，即將出版（筆者參考本書出版之前的初稿）。

[6] 參考連橫著〈告延平郡王文〉，收入《雅堂文集》，台灣省文獻委員會，1992年，頁115